Lee C. Bollinger and Agnès Callamard Discuss Press Freedom and Jamal Khashoggi

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Agnès Callamard, my colleague and friend.
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We are having this conversation at a very sad moment,
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to mark the one year anniversary of the killing of Jamal
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Khashoggi.
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This is also an opportunity for us
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to talk about global freedom of expression issues
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and free speech, free press issues in the United States
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generally.
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Let's start with talking about the creation of Global Freedom
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of Expression Project, that I asked you to come in and head,
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and you've done and so brilliantly.
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What we we've demonstrated at Columbia Global
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Freedom of Expression is actually,
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the richness of our common understanding
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of freedom of expression.
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And the fact that so many courts around the world,
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particularly of course, in Latin America, Africa, and Europe,
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have actually taken the international standard
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form article 19 of the ICCPR, and developed a jurisprudence
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that has become quite integrated across those three continents.
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And is enriching the jurisprudence
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of each of those continent.
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Let's talk about your other work.
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And that is as the special rapporteur
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for the United Nations on extrajudicial killings.
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And then your involvement in the investigation
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of Jamall Khashoggi's murder.
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The case of Jamal Khashoggi is both symbolic of the patterns,
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and it's also quite exceptional.
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So in many ways, it represents global patterns of attacks--
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physical attacks against journalists and media
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workers, which literally do not resort
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into any kind of prosecution.
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So the large amount of impunity attached to those killings
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as far as the masterminds are concerned.
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In a number of cases, the hit men
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may be identified, but who ordered the crimes are not.
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And that was also the story last year,
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because the Saudi authorities quite very quickly identified
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the so-called hit team, but did not really get in
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to who ordered it.
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So the gap there was very much in keeping with the unfortunate
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pattern that we have identified.
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What made the case of his killing particularly distinct
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though, is how international it was.
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So it took place outside the country of the killers
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and outside the country of the victim.
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Most importantly for you and for I in addition to all of that,
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and which was often overlooked, it also
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violated freedom of expression, which
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is a point you made very when in your op-ed
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in the Washington Post, where you demonstrated
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that the killing of Jamal Khashoggi,
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a resident of the United States, also sought
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to violate deeply held norms.
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We all should be concerned whatever
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our citizenship about violations of free speech, free
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press around the world.
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As I like to say and have said, it's now the case
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that censorship anywhere is censorship everywhere.
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And that certainly applies in the killing of Jamal Khashoggi.
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The focus I also wanted to bring to this,
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which was the genesis for the piece
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that I did in the Washington Post
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that you referred to because I wanted
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to make the case that if you just cared or looked
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at it from the standpoint of freedom of speech and press
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in the United States, just from the standpoint of the First
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Amendment, he was murdered in significant part because
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of his exercise of First Amendment rights
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in the United States through things
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that he said and wrote, especially in the Washington
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Post.
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And so it raises this profoundly deep concern
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as to what the United States will do
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and can do legally when one of the people or more
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of the people who are exercising their First Amendment rights
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are then killed, murdered, or otherwise
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penalized for that speech by actors and states
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around the world.
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But it made clear that there is under existing United States
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law, a basis for pursuing a criminal investigation
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from the United States into this terrible episode that happened
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in the consulate in Turkey.
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Not only to begin an investigation,
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but if the government, federal government,
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identified they felt were the perpetrators that there
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was a basis for initiating the criminal action against them.
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Not having done that sends a frightening concerning
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message to United States citizens
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and all people who exercise their First Amendment rights,
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that the United States government will not in a sense
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protect them against foreign actors who penalize them,
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even commit murder because of the exercise of their rights.
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I'm certainly hoping that short of a federal level
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investigation of the nature that you are describing,
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I still believe that either the FBI could do something,
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given its mandate.
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If not, the FBI, then the Director of National security
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could do something.
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I'm also hoping that the various ongoing suits around the CIA
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analysis of the killings, of the responsibilities--
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that these information will eventually
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be made public either through a formal request,
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through a court case, through the Congress, and so on.
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So I remain moderately optimistic
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that within the United States, there
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will be sufficient commitment to the values you've described.
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And sufficient courage to move with either one
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of those actions.
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Yes.
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The key point is that people need
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to see that if you care about the First Amendment exercise
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rights of free speech and free press,
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you should be concerned about how the government protects you
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by prosecuting and going after perpetrators of crimes
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abroad against you for the exercise of their rights.
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Absolutely.
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That's one of the things that the Khashoggi case makes.
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Extraterritorially.
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We should all be concerned about anything
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that happens to journalists or speakers around the world
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no matter what country they come from.
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We should all be concerned about that.
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Can you talk some, Agnes, about what
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you found in the investigation that you conducted
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as the special rapporteur?
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What I did find was that the execution of Mr. Khashoggi
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was premeditated, that it was well organized,
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that it was planned, and that there
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is no other way to describe it but as a state killing.
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I reached the conclusion that it was the responsibility
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of the state of Saudi Arabia, not of rogue actors, as they
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have tried to pretend, on the basis of the evidence I
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have collected regarding the organization of the killing.
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And on the basis of international law,
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related to what amounts to a state act, as opposed
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to what amount to an individual act by individual actors.
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There is only one conclusion that can be reached.
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That was a killing for which the state of Saudi Arabia
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is directly responsible.
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That finding has been rejected, and so far
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the state of Saudi Arabia has refused
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to acknowledge its responsibility as a state,
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and has placed the blame of some fairly low key individuals that
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were part of the hit team.
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What I have also found is that the state of Saudi Arabia,
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again, failed to investigate the killing in good faith.
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Failed to cooperate with the Turkish authorities
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in good faith.
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And there is strong evidence pointing
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to the state of Saudi Arabia cleaning up the crime scene
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so as to make it impossible for the Turkish investigators
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to find any kind of evidence.
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And just finally, as far as we know
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and as has been reported in the press,
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our intelligence agencies also agree with those conclusions?
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Well, according to the leaks that had been
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provided by various media, yes.
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I did not rely on this information
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because it was not credible enough
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in terms of meeting my standard of evidence.
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But everything that I've read and heard,
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including directly by people who were briefed by those agencies,
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yes, concur with my conclusion.
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Agnes Callamard, thank you very much.
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Thank you.